Showing posts with label propaganda. Show all posts
Showing posts with label propaganda. Show all posts

20240331

epistemological crisis

 
 
(fie is me)
this epistemological crisis
got me dabblin' in a lot of vices
duly dubious i stay righteous
checkin' footnotes and reading all the cites yes
(fine as dream)

i'm well straight bwai num warp it off
feedback lions feel me rage

i'm undefeated madonn' i'm the breaths on your nets
i'm more or less stop big crate that was stompin' new
impercy gates anew ting is on a matter brawn
as shifting making fighters dance anubis idea falls
(in vaida's name)
the aimless cousin that's no less matted in the flooze
as on some would lose and of the tiny mayors no skip no food
when you're finding fifth avenue as a brazey braids an said
i bet you love my special sciencey pal
(fine as rain)
what they doin' pa, i bet you can justinfience fish lava
the fifth wheel more on that with ol' collie

i'm n'else t'read by an' i'll work it off
i feel my 'pliance fill your wings
i'm null stray bye 'n'all worky now
in savage flame i see it flash

the fire is me

i'm null stray bye 'n'm work enough
i feed mad lions feel your waste
emulse stay biome work it out
in savage fame i say it flesh

(and did you get the shot)

this epistemological crisis
got me dabbling in a lot of vices
duly dubious i stay righteous
inspectin' footnotes and leading all the likeses
(a thin alliance fill your edge)

(the fire is made)

logical crisis got me down in a lot of vices
duly dubious i stay fade out


20220521

comrades, a word

this would be a perfect time for
the bona fide freedom-interested convoy
to realign itself as the avant-garde
of the international revolution of the proletariat

20220520

schism

convoy apparently disaffiliated with former leader “brian,” now evidently led by a guy called “santa” who is planning some dc appearances of convoy this week.

when they go (probably not before friday?) participants will observe radio silence & livestreamers will not stream until they’re staged in dc. cameras banned from planning meetings.

“santa” has invoked rev.dr. king’s principles of civil disobedience.

looks like a schism among convoyageurs: bunch of parties (including yellow firetruck) have left the speedway.

it is about money… and maybe principles.

apparently representatives of the organizing 501(c) (the people in the bus — brian, marcus, mike & co.) planned to end the convoy here/now, having raised $ by & through convoy participants on the (implied?) promise of maintaining & continuing the activities…

(aside—> live-streaming schismist reports hearing that brian landed a 6-figure job with kennedy jr’s organization & split)

leaving convoyageurs who have left their jobs & mortgaged their children stranded in hagarstown as the guys in the bus take the money & run.

which reminds me of a song…

rolled into town in the convoy
i’ll be walkin’ out if i leave
i was demanding freedom
redressing what i grieve
now’m taking the flags off of the turnip truck
& thinking ‘bout demanding an audit:
oh lord, stuck in a hagerstown again.
[musical emoticons omitted]

bwau bwau ba-bweyr bwa du lau

guess it’s been a while since i could recall all the other words of lodi. yeah bet you expected a different song.

anyway that felt kinda mean. think i’ll try to glean some better sense of what’s happening.

i hate giving that organization’s website any traffic.   

santa is with the schismists. he seems to be encouraging the flock to take heart & not lose sight of their goals & character.

current streamer feels pretty strongly; not exactly as cool & cooperative as they usually appear. might need to find parallax.  

20220320

slow roll

convoycam dude came home a bit dejected today, “not feeling triumphant,” & expressed some doubts about the behavior of some other convoyageurs wrt perceived aggressors among the denizens of the highway at large.

i did not hate observing it.

i imagine convoy encountered a lot more vehicles filled with entire families along the lanes today—a beautiful spring saturday!—than on other jaunts round the belt.

heard credible, corroborated account of convoy shard audible from tenleytown elementary school heading down wisconsin ave on friday, according to officials familiar with the events.

encountered traffic i attribute to them for the first time today, but had already thought about it and went for alternate route & then subalternate route later & was only a little late.

y’see, twice today convoy members “boxed in” a perceived aggressor-vehicle & came to a stop presuming to hold that vehicle until police could respond.. .

whereupon, convoy expect, the person operating aggressor vehicle will be arrested & all the witnesses with dashcam will be invited to proffer evidence. . . .

today, on 70/270(?) inbound, responding police reportedly cut the aggressing motorist loose & suggested convoyageurs participating in such activity might themselves be guilty of abducting that motorist.

later, on the beltway, somewhere between the spur & 395, something like that happened again — except convoy cars instead of convoy trucks somehow surrounding & accosting a driver who had “cut them off.”

as reported by convoycam guy one of the more levelheaded among those on foot around the surrounded car stopped at the (a) front of the convoy on the beltway extracted a promise from the driver to never do it again and “they let her go.”

so that whole stopping on the beltway thing mighta had something to do with some of the traffic on intersecting arteries & their tributaries.

convoycam dude is pretty uncomfortable with both occasions (i’ve seen him …cover?… two other similar incidents without displaying the same discomfort as today; i think in no case have the police been observed detaining the other party), but

is also pretty sure there is a right way that a group of, say, truckers might effect a valid “citizens arrest,” immobilizing a dangerous person until the police can take custody & some paperwork & cooperation with judicial process.

but that is exactly what was attempted today, resulting in what the cop told the truckers is plausibly abduction (“false imprisonment” would be my untutored guess), per some guy a couple nodes away from the cop’s precise words.

also there appear to be some politics. got a little 4 wheels good 10 wheels better whiff there w/ maybe a note of i was into convoy sedition before it went mainstreamism.

it occurs to me i ought to have more tabs open with more streaming convoyageurs for deeper parallax & a sense of what other shards are up to.

but i dunno: with the thirteen open covid tabs & the nine ukraine war tabs & the thirty-seven ongoing investigations related to former president tabs & the 206 january 6 docket tabs, & the maps, tryna see the whole convoy might be too much work.     

20190606

valdimir puddin's negative space


notes:
source foxnews: https://youtube.com/watch?v=tr5Og... (t=11:09:xx). file ends midsentence at 11:09:xx, pdf p.324. [and is no longer available].
also see: c-span. (t=13:39:xx) [could not get].

several readers skipped right over redactions, reading w/o comment from the word preceding the redaction through the word following it.
inexplicably, the reading of vol.1 ended at p.198, with 15 or so pages, several completely redacted, of declination decisions to go.

the report.

20171219

xmas.sux.vol.11: disliking sheep, we troll the ancient yule



xmas sux xi: disliking sheep we troll the ancient yule

1.  santa baby - eartha kitt
2.  dashing through the snow - duke ellington
3.  jesus gonna be here - blind boys of alabama
4.  helter stupid - 180 Gs
5.  the christmas song - john gary
6.  make america great again - pussy riot
7.  santa claus is coming - tony bennett
8.  all we like sheep - brussels choral society
9.  'twixt twelve and twenty - pat boone
10. be a child at christmas time - doris day
11. good mornin' little school girl - sonny boy williamson
12. the christmas waltz - nancy wilson
13. clowns and ballerinas - negativland
14. zero tolerance - trans am
15. express the halls with bounce and mojo - pimpdaddysupreme
16. dance of the sugar plum fairy - shirim
17. o holy night - jim nabors
18. patapan - the cleveland orchestra
19. petit concert d'oiseaux - olivier messiaen
20. cradle in bethlehem - nat king cole
21. hey little girl - john godfrey trio
22. silent night - jim nabors
23. hang your wishes on the tree - les baxter
24. say goodbye to the little girl tree - nick cave & the bad seeds
25. god rest ye merry gentlemen - the pathfinder chorus
26. funky wassail - dj BC
27. auld lang syne - judy garland

(and see prior years here)

20170921

reduced

you can say "fake news"
eight times in haikus or use
"propaganda" thrice


20170819

both sides, now, now


drawn from reddit & gamergate
united in the name of hate
they say they'll make our nation great
this nation just for some

who once were out just for the lulz
now seeking chances to crack skulls
& fantasizing racist culls
to great encomium

i've studied our political spectrum
grabbed my pen, guitar & plectrum
down w/false equivalencies
black lives matter don't compare w/nazis

w/rebel flags & swastikas
they're marching in Virginia 'cause
a golden age that never was
seems imminent to some

to meet the enemy unbowed
& shout i hate you right out loud
backed up by an angry crowd
chanting opprobrium

i've heard the false equivalencies
from npr & all the TVs
it's propaganda wall to wall
i don't trust anyone at all

& now the white supremacists
reviling "cultural marxists"
complain about their victims' fists
resisting in the scrum

& a fresh wave of violence
emboldened by the president's
willful false equivalence
has got me feeling glum

i've heard the false equivalencies
from npr & all the TVs
it's propaganda wall to wall
i don't trust anyone at all

from blood & soil to lügenpresse
the pageantry of storm & stress
they feel empowered now i guess
a taste of things to come

thought we'd finally heard the end
of blood libel & dolchstoßlegende
& everything that they portend
we still shall overcome

i've heard the false equivalencies
from npr & all the TVs
it's propaganda wall to wall
i don't trust anyone at all

i've studied our political spectrum
grabbed my pen, guitar & plectrum
down w/false equivalencies
antifa don't compare w/nazis

i've studied our political spectrum
grabbed my pen, guitar & plectrum
down w/false equivalencies
black lives matter don't compare w/nazis
__
cf.

20160808

oh the misogyny

mom recently read this oped by some guy arnovitz, about how popular animus toward hillary clinton is rooted in sexism, and asked pop, bro-in-law and myself what we each think, via email. bro-in-law got there first. i do not post his words or paraphrase, except one choice bit, in which he pretty much suggested he cannot be sexist because his mother went to bryn mawr, his wife to brown and his sisters to other sort of "seven sisters" type schools, which i could not resist lampooning. his response is worth quoting (i have not sought his consent) or paraphrasing (which i don't think i can do with what could be seen objectively as fairness). he did open with a brief contemptuous dismissal of liberal strawmen and invite his readers to not read further; i also echo that invitation, but i don't mean it.

my response took some time: two metro rides plus about four hours. it is maybe the longest thing i have ever written on the stupid virtual keyboard of the handheld device. with all that time for reflection, somehow i failed to note the author's name, and called him "aronson" in the response. i think i've fixed all instances with the author's actual name, but am by no means certain. maybe the fact that i didn't bother learning his name when i read the oped may function in place of the executive abstract of the quite lengthy email that follows.

If you don't just absolutely love John Philip Sousa it must be because you hate music.

Feel free to not read this at all. It does go on for some time. (much later: sorry for the dissertation; you asked for it)

Well I am certainly the last person one should trust to evaluate whether or how much I am a sexist (you know I have a sister who is a doctor and went to brown, and selected a woman to be the mother of my child; I have also ogled many lovely and some not as lovely women, so stick that in your pc-meter! also I have endorsed my own production by a woman, albeit after the fact ;). If you did trust me to make the evaluation, you'd have to decide whether I have been sincere the many times I have called myself a misogynist. I am not certain.

I don't think my problem with her is that she's a woman, but it could be. There are other reasons than her gender to mistrust her: she's a politician and she's a Clinton. Must one really have more reasons?

I strongly agree with Arnovitz when he says "I am no political historian." He could have stopped there. That he didn't, but took his conclusory view as an acceptable starting point for discussion, tends to undermine his credibility, in my view.

Submit that honesty, as a character trait, means something more than not telling lies.

I think my first problem here is Arnovitz seems to recognize two types of people, those he calls conservatives and those he calls liberals, and that persons so described must share the views of others so called, respectively. The political spectrum is broader than that, and increasingly, the two parties do not reflect the views of their presumed adherents -- or, the values of voters do not align with those espoused by their respective parties, whose job is to perpetuate themselves, rather than govern or represent their constituents.

I also am skeptical of polls and fact-checkers, and their claims. Polls principally because they routinely depict a world lacking people like me; fact checkers because they do not seem to get the whole project right.

There is a perfect example in this story: Arnovitz characterizes the lack of charges brought against Hillary as an "exoneration" which proves her "innocent," when no such conclusion is required, or even permissible.

Indeed, in (improperly) stating "no reasonable prosecutor" would bring charges, head of FBI, investigating one narrow aspect, was pretty clear that she did mishandle classified information and did lie about that (and other aspects of her private email setup), while describing her and her staff as willfully careless. He said that is less than the "gross negligence" the statute in question requires, but that is by no means clearly established. Anyway, all that to say that declining to charge her is quite different than demonstrating her innocence. I have done things that I did not go to court or jail over, too, but that does not mean I'm innocent of those things.

The comparison with Petraeus is interesting, as are the author's assertions about the respect he still seems to command among Hillary's "conservative" detractors. Most of us don't know the scope of Petraeus' disclosures or standards required of him; the  full scope of Hillary's email shenanigans likewise will likely never be known. I am not inclined to credit assertions about either of them beyond basic outlines, because I don't trust reporters to get it right or pundits to be truthful; mere partisan voters, like myself, have nothing to go on but the, for want of a better word, propaganda of those involved in propagandizing the consumers (e.g., press, spokespeople, advertisers, pundits).

Judicial opinions and peer-reviewed scientific reports tend to be most credible insofar as they represent, and operate within, two epistemological traditions that share "data" and build on predecessors in a systematic fashion developed to preserve continuity with precedent. Of course jurists and scientists both can and do err; both systems can be manipulated by bad actors. But both systems tend to show their work -- data/facts and reasoning.

I do think truthfulness is a strange criterion on which to judge apex politicians at this late date... but there is little else by which to evaluate them. I do not believe that Hillary is the least untruthful politician; I don't even believe that can be a meaningful question. (sort of relevant oped in the Post today from Fareed Zechariah distinguishing persons on the true-false spectrum from outright bullshitters, based on some academic's book on same; not typically a fan of that writer, but the angle is interesting).

Arnovitz's discussion of speaking fees is as faulty as his evidence of innocence. Her fees only show her to be venal; it is her refusal to disclose Wall Street speech transcripts (on top of her "I went to Wall Street and said 'cut it out'" canard, in addition to her long record of financially benefiting from exploitative industries - notably private prisons, and sitting on the board of wal-mart while it dodged its obligations to its employees). Arnovitz doesn't even address these. That she is an apex politician seems sufficient to sustain suspicion of her venality, likely corruption or, at least, susceptibility to impermissible influence: fish don't feel they're influenced by water.

Attributing to sexism opposition to, or merely declining to support, Hillary is a worn trope: Hillary's proponents asserted this directly and indirectly throughout her race against Sanders, with some notable successes: wide acceptance of the word "BernieBro" to characterize supporters of Sanders, for one. Since the primary race this trope has been pushed even harder.

(an alternate view may be that this equation of sexism with criticism of Hillary is not intended to shame the 'bros so much as it is to help Democrats' "us" close ranks and feel energized. or, if you'll recall that time Gloria Steinem said all the girls were voting for Bernie because his campaign's "where the boys are," consider that Arnovitz is merely doing his best to give this charge a plausible intellectual foundation in order to ingratiate himself with the doctrinaire Democrat ladies. zing!)

It will continue, and will be thrown at supporters of that narcissist bullshitter too, but for now it is still mostly being used to try to shame the very many voters further to the left than she on the political spectrum to close ranks behind her: They're the ones believed to be susceptible to such pressure; those on the right have hated her for more than a generation, which is not sufficiently explained by sexism, and are not moved by the left's charges of taboo bias, or anything else, anyway. Moreover, over that period, party partisans -- and the fringe propagandists who exercise their dogwhistles -- have promoted greater intolerance and kneejerk hatred of the other side:

That she is a Democrat is sufficient reason for Republicans to hate her;
That she is an ascendant star in the party is sufficient reason for Republicans to hate her;
That she seems to be impervious to any scandal, that her trajectory remains despite any obstacle, is sufficient for Republicans to hate her;
That she is that party's apex politician at a time when social and demographic forces connive to make a woman president conceivable -- or popularly desirable -- is sufficient reason for Republicans to hate her;
That she is named Clinton is sufficient reason for Republicans to hate her;
That she was Secretary of State in the administration of Barack Obama is sufficient reason for Republicans to hate her.

Now, I like to imagine there are Republicans and Democrats out there, and beyond them "conservatives" and "liberals," and beyond them leftists and rightists out there, whose regard for persons elsewhere on the political spectrum is informed by something other or more than mere tribal hate of the other (& i'll admit i have a hard time conceiving extreme "rightists" as driven by any principle other than hate...not sure what principles might exist that are more conservative than those I might impute to right-of-Republican conservatives, but symmetry requires that I do imagine the possibility of non-hate principles on the extreme right to balance the non-hate principles I know may animate the extreme left), but, to some degree, hating the enemy increasingly seems to be required of those electing one of those identities as we all become more isolated, shrill, brittle and angry, as our communities erode to mediated, remote experiences enjoyed in solitude while embedded in crowds of strangers.

As to some Democrats, and some non-Democrat leftists, well, I can't speak for them either. We've all been subject to an unremitting barrage of hate for Hillary since Bill was first elected. It has continued unabated (like her political trajectory), scandals real and unreal, and endless howling in support of and opposition to her by parties exhibiting little regard for clear truth and thus meriting little authority. Authority, truth, facts don't matter though: trees in forest, drops in torrent, if there is truth (with respect to any particular scandal, issue, question of improper influence or malfeasance) it is infinitesimal and we have no access to it nor ability to confirm it. There is just a steady inchoate shriek which, after 20 years exposure, is hardly noticeable anymore. We've lived immersed in that. I have struggled over the years to remain aware of the exposure in order to minimize its subconscious influence (as w/ advertising), but it is exhausting.

Against that background anyone (trying conscientiously to come to his or her own sound conclusions) would evaluate her performance against her professed principles and stated goals, keeping in mind as the normative background such performance of other politicians.

Here I think we see a workhorse. There is not a single radical thing about her, except, possibly, her gender, and in the LGBTQetc-age, being a cisgender woman (married...etc) is not remotely radical, not even as a head of state. It has been not even remotely radical for my entire adulthood. For a woman to be elected President of the United States would merely tick a demographic box promising safe-harbor from charges of sexism like the election of Barack Obama ushered in a postracial era of harmony. It probably was radical when she first aspired to politics, but that was a long time ago.

She has an immense amount of experience politicking.

She reportedly politicked very effectively during her husband's administration, count as evidence a) the enduring hate of half of the political spectrum (& certain insurance executives, lobbyists etc) and b) the Obama administration's attempt to implement universal healthcare. As a Senator she did nothing to distinguish herself to my knowledge, except a few times she voted with the pack instead of making a principled stand; she was not my senator. As Secretary of State she seemed able, but she also seemed a little cavalier with respect to some of the rules: it is unclear to what extent. Perhaps her behavior in that role did not reflect the values she espouses (a coup or two; some clumsy ill-starred warlike gestures; widespread promotion of "fracking") but that role may require one to pursue one's principal's goals over one's own principles; perhaps those are the values she espouses (aspirational political language is vague; Hillary is apparently deliberately vaguer).

She does seem to share Obama's embrace of a vision of the "unitary executive" branch he inherited from Bush in a way that chafes against constitutional separation of powers principles -- which each party abhors in its opponent's president.

She's a bit hawkish -- with normal metrics; on the whacky scale of what that narcissist says she doesn't even register. Except you can't believe any particular proposition articulated by that narcissist who has no record of statespersonship, whereas she has voted in favor of apparently unlimited power to make warlike gestures worldwide forever as a duly elected representative of the people of a state at a time when that vote might really have mattered, and other times.

(I think that one vote is enough to damn her, for me, though I will have to go read up on her voting record for more -- a lot of terrible laws were passed under her watch, over and above the normative background of terrible laws.)

Anyway, that sums up to a pretty solid resume.

I think she got disbarred, or, if she did not, then went inactive as a bar member under threat of disciplinary proceedings. One datapoint ain't much, but I am acquainted with a man who got a five year suspension because his immense drug habit somehow led to egregious, wanton violations of ethics for no reason and at great cost to his client, firm and his sacred honor. He was not disbarred. but disciplinary proceedings may be their own Kafkaesque punishment: it took most of the five years to get the sentence, and the rest of them to argue, successfully, that they should count from the date of the commencement of proceedings. Different state; different authorities.

Did I mention her vote for war?

She dissembles reasonably well, though she lacks the gifts of charm and eloquence that Bill and Barack both exhibit. What we'd forgive as a misstatement from any Bush, we hold her to, or suspect her of conniving at.

She has exhibited secretiveness and a disregard for or willful tendency to bend the rules. She has made inconsistent statements, held inconsistent positions; it is fair to consider whether these evince hypocrisy or growth--but when she says "I have always supported x" (whatever supported may mean) and she has demonstrably opposed x on the record, well politifact or whomever ought to count that as a lie, even as it may appear a mere rhetorical flourish rather than assertion of fact.

Some of what she did wrong with the email is against the law; some may violate national security. Some she has in common with her predecessors in office; some is unique to her office. The question the justice department asked the FBI to investigate was quite narrow; there is a much broader review of compliance with other laws done by the inspector general of the state department. It is pretty damning of her office, not least because whereas her four predecessors in that office cooperated fully with the IG, Hillary did not. All of them did not fulfill their legal requirements with respect to record keeping, communication and FOIA; Hillary a bit more so.

It is not clear to what extent she participated in her party chairperson's favoritism of her campaign as against those of other primary contenders if any, but she doesn't help her credibility by saying immediately afterward that that shamed corrupt politician (who violated party rules about fairness) would "continue to" work as her "surrogate."

That's the person who isn't Donald Trump. She's a real solid politician, eminently qualified for the office; she also gives every appearance of being dishonest to the bone. I'm confident our government and constitution will be here, more or less intact, when she's done with them (and am more than a little curious what she would try to do once there's no higher office to carefully position herself for); I have no such confidence in that other guy. Moreover, if we must have parties with platforms, which we understand to be goals those parties' candidates will seek to attain once in office, then I am more comfortable with her party's platform than that of her opponent.

So, overall, I think there are plenty of good reasons to remain critical of her -- and to strive to see her clearly -- that needn't be based in any particular individual's sexism. Plenty of rational reasons for a person who identifies with a party or otherwise.

It is distressing that a "with us or against us" argument should be made by her advocates, and disappointing that it should be so crude in conception and poor in execution. And telling: Arnovitz doesn't know that he has no authority to tell me what is true (or to passively indicate an unauthenticated source of truth), or to instruct me in the use of my capacity to reason. That he doesn't know that damns him and his project, but is pretty much run of the mill for . . . I think the same insular bubble of news and commentariat that "conservatives" deride as "the liberal media" but i, identifying as further to the left than who-are-called-liberals(-in-USA) cannot so designate.

Anyway, it is worth asking, from time to time, whether one's critical view of a class or member of a class is due to the influence of a taboo bias. Arnovitz has his answer, and many people who already agree with him will agree with him without engaging their rational capacity at all. Those whose views of Hillary are driven by a sexism of which they would be ashamed if they were not unaware are probably quite few.

What do I know. Maybe all the sexist kids these days look to a middle aged male columnist for morally sound political direction. I don't think so (tho do have reason to believe reasoning such as Arnovitz's to be common among the politically active social-media generation).

So, you tell me: misogyny or nah?

Love,
oomph

20150527

know your enemy

There has been a lot of recent discussion concerning the secret negotiations of and procedural legerdemain in Congress concerning the so-called Trans-Pacific Partnership Treaty, an multipartite international investment treaty currently under negotiation among the United States, Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, and Vietnam.

Proponents say it will be good: Good for trade, good for the economy, good for all of us.

Detractors say it will be bad, by ceding to foreign investors (read: "transnational corporations") "our" sovereignty over our laws, regulations and public policy, municipal, state and national, granting "shadowy" tribunals the power to arbitrate where we understand our courts are chartered to adjudicate, and generally eroding rights and protections for persons, laborers, employees, and everyone but the masters of capital and minions.

As far as such assertions by advocates and opponents go, they're probably all correct. And they're all similarly worthless for their vagueness, claims to universality and general lack of context. And, anyway, no one can make credible or verifiable claims about contemplated provisions of the draft agreement because the drafts and negotiations are secret. Completely secret. Except for the occasional odd senator willing to submit his or her stylus and notebook, and representatives of our own favorite nominally-American transnational corporations, their executives, their lobbyists, their PACs, their chambers of commerce and their centers of excellence.

WikiLeaks has published several documents purporting to be draft chapters from the treaty. The chapter on investment caused substantial stir and widespread, although mostly insubstantial, discussion of the treaty's promised doom or benefit. Few of those discussing the treaty do so in such a way that their broad assertions concerning its impact carry the speaker's self-evident, responsible, immersion in the context and subject matter of international investment, and, particularly international investment dispute. Instead they offer generalizations of glowing platitude and ominous misfortune.

Context matters.

International investment treaty dispute arbitration is one prodigiously corpulent corpus of context, and, as such, difficult to meaningfully discuss in soundbytes, seventh-grade-reading-level public statements, and newsmagazine programs.

International investment disputes, under the ascendant liberalized international trade regime marked by international trade organizations, an increase in (or simply increased attention to) foreign direct investment activities and the proliferation of multilateral and bilateral investment treaties, are typically resolved through binding commercial arbitration between states and states, or multinational business enterprises and states, by tribunals selected by the parties, convened, according to the rules of a specified convention, to implement terms of a particular regional, multilateral or bilateral investment treaty with respect to a particular investment.

See? Within that context,
The advent of investment treaty arbitration stands out, not as the vanguard of a broad movement to protect individuals in international law, but as an anomalous and exceptionally potent system that protects one class of individuals by constraining the governments that continue to represent everyone else. 
is a pretty good soundbyte (from Gus Van Harten's 2007 Investment Treaty Arbitration and Public Law), though maybe still too long.

I am not an authority, but a dabbler, having had occasion some years ago to research and write about bilateral investment treaty minutia, which did require broad reading to spin up, discern authorities and standards, learn the context, and focus on the question at hand. I am probably more qualified to address the subject than I was to evaluate the warlike character of Stuxnet via the Schmitt Analysis, but only marginally so.

It just so happens that all of that reading concerned what we've been discussing generally as "Investor State Dispute Settlement," specifically standards employed by tribunals convened to arbitrate international investment disputes according to rules of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, or similar conventions.

Today, DemocracyNow! aired Julian Assange and Amy Goodman -- both of whose voices I value -- talking about how the "secretive deal isn't about trade, but corporate control," a thesis with which I more or less agree. As with many things, Assange is worth hearing on this topic (him and Sen. Warren) for the deep engagement and broad contextual awareness his assertions clearly evince.

But he presented a scenario in which environmental and health regulation law and municipal development may be chilled by the prospect of a foreign investor suing the government for the loss of expected future profits: "This is not an actual loss that has been sustained, where there's desire to be compensated; this is a claim about the future."

Such suits are a real threat; the chilling effect is already manifest.

But this scenario is incomplete, and the quoted passage not entirely accurate, for, a foreign investor who has built a hospital already has realized a loss--was wooed and courted by the municipality in which the hospital was built specifically to make that investment in that municipality with both parties' mutual agreement that operation over a contemplated period of time would recover some reasonable return on the initial investment. The foreign investor has realized a loss that the agreement with the municipality specifically contemplates it recovering.

This is how natural resources of the commonweal are privitized. Also, it leads nicely to the omitted issue of the legitimate expectations of the investing party. [excerpt from 2009 memorandum follows]

As arbitral case law develops . . . some principles of construction and scrutiny are emerging to give contour to an investor’s legitimate expectations and a host state’s due process obligations. (See.)

As the tribunal in Tecnicas Medioambientales Tecmed, S.A. v. United Mexican States observed:
The foreign investor expects the host State to act in a consistent manner, free from ambiguity and totally transparently in its relations with the foreign investor, so that it may know beforehand any and all rules and regulations that will govern its investments, as well as the goals of the relevant policies and administrative practices or directives, to be able to plan its investment and comply with such regulations. . . The foreign investor also expects the host State to act consistently, i.e., without arbitrarily revoking any preexisting decisions or permits issued by the State that were relied upon by the investor. . . . The investor also expects the State to use the legal instruments that govern the actions of the investor or the investment in conformity with the function usually assigned to such instruments, and not to deprive the investor of its investment without the required compensation.
On the other hand, “in order for them to be protected," a foreign investor’s expectations  "must rise to the level of legitimacy in light of the circumstances.” For example, the political environment in the host State will be significant in determining the legitimate expectations of the investor: In the case of Lithuania’s transition from a Soviet State to a member of the European Union, “no expectation that the laws would remain unchanged was legitimate.”

[(not certain I'm happy merely replacing bluebook citations with suggestive links) end excerpt]

I really just wanted to add the fact of "legitimate expectations" to Assange's example. It doesn't add a lot, but, as one rich detail, stands for all the technicality and nuance omitted from every aspect of each clause of the secret provisions of the secret draft treaty that is described and discussed in our public discourse.

In actual fact, the municipality that invited the foreign investor to build the hospital simply would not build another hospital nearby; this, more than the scope of the potential award (which - don't misunderstand - might well be enormous), is the essence of the chilling effect. Also wanted to offer the prospect of the greater breadth and depth of issues implicated by the proposed treaty, and the general trend in which it is merely the most recent example. All the rest is establishing shot, background and tangent.

In my own view, the TPP is another instance in the continuing trend even further empowering transnational commercial entities over people, just like van Harten said, except I am also not certain that governments--at least my own state's government--actually represent the people and myself.

Beyond the dire promise of that trajectory, what is offensive about the TPP is the secrecy with which it is being drafted, and the essential vapidity of the public discourse.

It is worth noting that provisions of the published draft chapters of the secret treaty that I've read appeared to be standard, potentially even more protective of the sensitivity of legislators for "environmental, health, or other regulatory objectives" than those of many other investment treaties. Fairly standard . . . in context.

Separately, Dear Reader, I have taken the twitter; I tweet. It's exhausting for one already disinclined to chase after the topics of the daily news cycle. But that's where I've been being a gadfly, rather than a long-winded one over here, and where this year's flower pictures have been going. Will try to get some of them up here, too, before long.

20140908

triage, collage and other progeny of shams

the time has come again to drop bombs on people (& infrastructure, homes and resources) in the interest of saving lives. dear reader, who am i kidding: that time is perpetual, the celebrated new american century! which, is neither so new as it used to be, nor so celebrated as its erstwhile proponents might have hoped (although: the shock doctrine).

you may have heard it said that, to a man with a hammer every problem resembles a nail.

yes; to a signatory of international humanitarian instruments with a terrifically expensive advanced arsenal of remote-controlled munitions and delivery systems at hand, it appears that every problem resembles the undefended industrial base of a belligerent nation, or, at least, a hospital behind which some jihadi might once have passed. same same, right? morale bombing for victory.

aside => in a Letter to Norm reporting suspicious activities in 2012, this tipster drew on a twenty-or-so-year-old-memory of marketing materials read once to characterize a so called smart bomb as one detonating "at or within fifty meters of its target, one try out of two," and assuming that over the intervening years -- during which we've seen the ascendancy of public GPS and a proliferation of other appliances characterized as "smart," while we, ourselves, collectively, have remained just as dumb if we didn't lose ground -- the targeting precision and reliability of such systems would have improved. that assumption was more or less built into the whole premise of the piece. so i was really surprised to hear -- in i don't remember which episode of DemocracyNow!'s coverage of the recent bombardment of gaza (nor can i, with some but not too much patience, find it now) -- the guest talking-head assert just that same metric of precision while crowing about the belligerent state's unprecedented precise targeting of schools, hospitals and united nations bomb shelters. i was surprised that bar has not been raised over the interval.<=

not too long ago, mr. greenwald wrote a fun blog post over at The Intercept lampooning the "redundant presidential ritual" of bombing iraq for "humanitarian" reasons (ironic quotation marks in original) and reflecting on humanitarian military interventions accomplished remotely, with bombs, and the consistent practice of at least the last five american administrations, spanning 25 years, in characterizing the enemy of the fiscal quarter/polling cycle (and iraq, in the event iraq isn't already the enemy of the fiscal quarter/polling cycle) as morally and geopolitically akin to nazis (because his focus was iraq, he did not reminisce about that serbian hitler whom we all remember), and i had to go find a favorite paper on the development of the international treaty framework codifying humanitarian restrictions on the behavior of bellicose states and contrasting ever-increasing civilian death tolls over the corresponding period.

i was not sure i still had it. do you, dear reader, have a folder, bag, portfolio, box, suitcase or bureau where you amass documents-which-you-expect-you'll-want-to-refer-to-later, as i have? my folders have exceeded their capacities, graduated to boxes and filing cabinets. the document i remembered i remembered as likely having been retained in one of those boxes. of course, that was a long time ago and there have been several episodes of triage since then, as well as some furious collage, to maximize information density. the long and short of it is that, i found it:

The Legitimation of Violence: A Critical History of the Laws of War, by Jochnick and Normand,
challenges the notion that the laws of war serve to restrain or 'humanize' war. . . . [D]espite noble rhetoric to the contrary, the laws of war have been formulated deliberately to privilege military necessity at the cost of humanitarian values. As a result, the laws of war have facilitated rather than restrained wartime violence. Through law, violence has been legitimated.
published in two parts in 1994 (35 harv. int’l l.j. 49 and 387) the article features a thorough critical review of the historical development of international humanitarian law together with an examination of the behavior of states in wars during that period, and an argument that the 1991 "gulf war" supports the thesis “that powerful nations deliberately formulated the laws of war to advance the primacy of military violence over humanitarian concerns, despite noble rhetoric to the contrary.”

i found the first part posted on a blog; here it is. i did not find the second part, which, anyway, is a little dated. there have been so many more new humanitarian interventions since 1994 to study, contemplate and compare with the proposed heuristic! i think the thesis stands, and that states would rather wage elective war over and over than wield the subject international instruments as tools to restrain criminals.

while i struggle to keep up with yesterweek, check out the facelift and daily content over at The Intercept: it is really looking like a news organization now, and the content refresh rate has picked up significantly. alas, that gives me that much more to read and consider (and cross reference and ruminate upon).

how time flies. more again anon.

20140805

king wen's asymptote, or approaching the outrage singularity

Terrence McKenna used to predict something like what has come to be known as the technological singularity, but with mystical, shamanic language: not just microchips, processing power, and miniaturization, but novelty itself! He ate dimethyltryptamine, dove into obscure divinatory schema, mathemagically waved his hands around (I have not, personally, tried to follow the mathematical foundations either of the I Ching or of Timewave Zero, but have read some statisticians' criticisms) and proposed a model mapping the exponential increase in novelty, which mapped perfectly to all of the events of novelty throughout human history, provided he set its endpoint -- the point at which the line ended because the scale could no longer accommodate it, the singularity -- to December 21, 2012. I believe he offered his theory well before scholars learned to confidently read Mayan glyphs; he died in 2000. I like his novelty theory -- although I have had a hard time conceptualizing what he might mean by novelty over the years -- and his mushroom-spore panspermia theory, although I'll admit, I have not thought about him much over the years, as 2012 mania peaked and passed.

Today, contemplating a forthcoming post, I did think of him and his notion of novelty -  the thought process is pretty much right there in the post title. You see, dear Reader, one simply cannot keep up with all of the things regarding which one ought to be well-informed and perhaps even exercise a little bit of moral agency. Every day there is an outrageous atrocity: while we're discussing today's atrocity tomorrow morning, there will be three more. So, I was thinking about former blog posts I've meant to revisit, the two newest Intercept leaks that I haven't finished reading yet (I have read the stories -- keep up the good work [non-gender-normative plural signifier ("folks?" -- what, too soon?)]s! -- but haven't finished the leaked source material), other leaks from other sources in other journals, several of our president's unfortunate statements, and on ad nauseam, when a new way of thinking about the novelty singularity struck me.

I have spent all these years thinking that novelty meant new stuff, things that are new, objects that are new, ideas that are new, technologies that are new -- "new" in this sense signifying previously unprecedented -- and not really being able satisfactorily to envision anything cognizable. These are all parts of the technological singularity, but, I think, not the novelty of McKenna's theory, or my current interpretation and invocation of it. Novelty, in this sense, I propose (or, he may have), is the encroachment on an awareness by any of an infinitude of "other sides" with their many-hued grasses, which might need to be considered in addressing the initial object of awareness. I think I said it in my The Hollow Men parody here:

This is the way the world ends
This is the way the world ends
This is the way the world ends
Not with a bang [, a whimper or a war crimes tribunal
But the staid, clinical, toothless, and patently committee-authored 600 page report of The Constitution Project's independent bipartisan Task Force of eminent personages on Detainee Treatment, its Document Database, Interview Index, Transcripts and Errata, which will be read by few, credited by fewer, and influence the conduct of government and policymakers not one whit 
and then a twitter update and something something reddit
and five egregious mainstream gaffes
and a yawn
as more technical reports about new catastrophes and catastrophes we negligently have been permitting to develop for scores of years are released, by teams of esteemed and tenured experts, one upon another for our reading pleasure if we could just find
enough time]

Perhaps when I get to writing that modern interpretation of Heidegger's The Question Concerning Technology, I can try to weave in some McKennaian novelty, say, as either part of the dangerous enframing aspect of technology or as the "saving power" that grows near the poison, or, as good ol' Marty seems to like to have it, as both. Ontologically.

As you may recall, dear Reader, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence has been investigating probably totally unwarranted allegations that the Central Intelligence Agency might have done some torture a decade ago, for nine years or so, and has finally produced a thorough report, which has been submitted to the subject Agency and to the White House for redaction prior to publication.

Some days ago, the story goes, an office of the white house accidentally emailed draft talking points concerning the presumably-impending publication of the report to the Associated Press. This is not the first fortuitous leak concerning this report. In related developments, you'll recall the chair of that committee loudly decrying that agency's active interference with the investigation, and that agency denying, its pride wounded at the prospect that good American people might entertain the possibility that an upright, steadfast agency such as itself might engage in such unthinkably base behavior as alleged in that senator's slander. Well, Mr. Brennan's denial was unfounded. We might, generously, credit his trying to respond to the senator's charge, notwithstanding his later-asserted ignorance of the actual ops in his shop, from the gut, from his notion as a righteous executive of how the agency ought to behave, without deigning to check. It is a best practice among the who's who of executives in the government and private sector alike.

Anyway, I noticed some errors in the proposed "Topline Messages" (see them here), and took the liberty of editing them:
The 9/11 attacks were presented as an unprecedented threat to the security of the American people. Our government and people responded in ways that were mostly superficial, reactionary, vengeful and shortsighted. The use of interrogation techniques that were contrary to our values and traditions was no mistake, but policy. We must honestly address, acknowledge, learn from and punish the perpetrators, and effectively deter any repetition. 
The fundamental facts about this program have been subject to denials, lies and obfuscation from the outset; there is no indication that this pattern of obfuscation is at all diminished now. The U.S. government makes many statements concerning the value of transparency, but stalls, blocks, resists and delays every disclosure concerning prior and ongoing malfeasance, although it has been compelled to reveal certain heavily-redacted documents related to some programs in isolated cases. 
This report is damning. Details of the report emphasize the wisdom of out national decision not to use such interrogation methods, made significantly earlier than 2001 and deliberately breached at that time by order of the highest officers of the government, but leave grave doubts concerning our access to wisdom at any time since. 
While it leaves plenty unsaid, and plenty still withheld, the report leaves no doubt that the CIA cannot be trusted, even by its boss, its oversight committee or its inspector general; the report leaves no doubt that subjecting terrorist suspects to profound pain, suffering and humiliation was an ineffective means of extracting information, about which, before 2001, there had been no sincere debate; the report leaves no doubt that the harm caused by the use of these techniques outweighed any putative benefit. 
The report tells a story of which no American is proud. But it is also part of another story of which we all can be truly ashamed: America's democratic system was deliberately subverted by demagogues in its highest offices fostering hysteria and cultivating venal brutality as matters of policy, and it is not clear whether that damage can be repaired, whether any failsafes might be installed (such as, say removing faulty parts), or whether our core democratic values can be salvaged.  
These interrogation methods were debated in our free media -- "should Jack Bauer pound the balls of that swarthy suspect or not?"; challenged in our independent courts -- mostly unavailingly due to the transparency of state secrets; and, a mere four years after they began, restricted by an act of Congress. Only seven years later, presidential candidates agreed that torture is wrong, about which, before 2001, there had been no sincere dispute.  
The American people have agreed with President Obama's executive order banning torture and cruel treatment of detained persons, and revoking prior inconsistent executive directives, orders and regulations to the extent inconsistent with that order, because it was long overdue, and the American people have entertained no sincere debate on the question since significantly earlier than 2001.  
America still looks like a hypocritical bully, but one that is generous to its friends: it can champion whatever it presumes to and the world and language will more or less accommodate its depredations. Our democratic system is struggling with the entrenched interests of its own immense administrative and security apparatus, as well as the all the instruments of modern propaganda bent to the will of the masters of capital. Our Congress spent nine years researching and developing this report notwithstanding consistent harassment by the agency subject to the investigation, and the Obama administration strongly supported its declassification and heavy redaction in that spirit. This report will help the American people understand what happened in the past, so that the CIA can keep doing whatever it is up to these days free of the potentially censorious attention of the electorate.
It has, since, developed that the leaked talking points seem to have deflected and diluted some of the Brennan impact, and provided our president an opportunity to channel his predecessor in office right there on the camera, as grave and unfortunate an utterance as ever an American president has made, delivered with tin ear, absent affect and an impious litany of decontextualizing irrelevancies.

It has also developed that publication of the report may be further delayed because that senator finds the CIA's proposed redactions to "eliminate or obscure key facts." So, overall, it is good that Mr. Obama did not try to float that whole transparency chestnut from the original draft.

Also, I have been listening to a reading of Beelzebub's Tales to his Grandson on YouTube, because I have finished watching All of Television, and am just about done reading the Internet. It is easier to listen to than it was to read.

20140710

on the practical preeminence of immanence and influence imputed

no US person
solely on first amendment
activities, such

as staging rallies,
writing critical essays,
expressing beliefs;

no US person 
solely on advocacy
of the use of force;

no US lawyer 
solely for representing
suspicious clients;

no US person
solely for being muslim
may be targeted,

but maybe in some
suggestive combination
of the foregoing

plus probable cause
of foreign pow'r influence
and dire immanence

alleged before the
FISA court official's sure
rubber stamp assent.


we are left, again, with questions and obfuscatory nonanswers by nominally responsible parties.

foremost in my mind, parsing the propaganda and ratiocination, are: how are "foreign power" and "immanence" defined these days? are they defined at all? i understand that the notion of immanence in the context of customary and traditional international law of war has proved somewhat pliable over the last fifteen or so years; is this the same notion of immanence? are anonymous, or wikileaks or the tor network foreign powers? are Al Haramain and CAIR foreign powers? how about The Guardian and FirstLook Media? or are foreign powers solely states, as seems to be the case in recent application of the aforementioned body of international law?

meanwhile, there's been a good deal of disturbing disclosure in the German press lately: see, e.g., spiegel, and spiegel and der erste.

and, it is interesting to note, Faisal Gill and Asim Ghafoor, two of the disclosed subjects of the disclosed surveillance, when asked whether these disclosures would lead them to sue the government, told Amy Goodman this morning that it is up to the Congress to exercise control because there are no judicial remedies available. Ghafoor would know.

20140417

leaky whistle gets another drop in sea, tom choked out

Ali Watkins, Jonathan Landay and Marisa Taylor, over at McClatchey, recently came into possession of, and published, what they describe as the conclusions of the report of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence on its investigation into the CIA's detention and interrogation program.
interrogations,
conditions of confinement:
brutal and far worse
Watkins et al. note, the twenty findings "paint a picture of an intelligence agency that seemed intent on evading or misleading nearly all of its oversight mechanisms throughout the program," which, in fairness, sounds just like every other intelligence program. As I opined last month:
The ethos of an organization flows from the top: The current executives of all agencies thrived and excelled as the Executive department's abuses and unaccountability gained momentum, and were propelled to the top of their uniquely sensitive, secretive and powerful organizations under those conditions, as those organizations enacted programs skirting laws or, later requiring laws to be rewritten. In many cases the very infrastructure of the agencies was specifically reorganized to better fit the views and designs of unaccountable leadership. Now, they are relied upon to brief the qualified senators and judges concerning intelligence activities, even when they make assertions concerning how, previously, they had misled. 
The chair of the committee, the principal proponent of the publication of [selections from] the report [subject to the direction of the White House with the advice and consent of the CIA], calls for the prosecution of the party responsible for this leak.  One can only imagine that, if there were not so much water still sloshing around the decks from that agency's liberal and zealous efforts to apply enhanced interrogation techniques to unpersons under its control, there probably would not be such steady leaking now; nor would each leak make such a splash as it drops.

According to the conclusions, the detention and interrogation program suffered several systemic faults, starting with the flawed utilitarian premise – "The CIA's use of enhanced interrogation techniques did not effectively assist the agency in acquiring intelligence or in gaining cooperation from detainees" – juxtaposed against its stark moral valence: "The CIA's use of enhanced interrogation techniques [and] the conditions of confinement of detainees of the CIA were brutal and far worse than the agency communicated to policymakers."

The balance of findings concern the agency's "deeply flawed" management, poor preparation and record-keeping, failure to heed internal critiques and objections, failure to evaluate program effectiveness, failure to reprimand or hold accountable persons "responsible for serious violations, inappropriate behavior, or management failures", the use of unapproved techniques, and operation of the program so as to complicate and hinder the national security missions of other agencies, while consistently mischaracterizing the program and its effectiveness, impeding proper legal analysis by providing inaccurate information, and similarly impeding oversight and decision-making of the White House, Congress and its own Office of the Inspector General.

Just when you thought "contract attorney" or "contract sales representative" might signify the vilest job suitable for the vilest people, new horizons open: the findings note that the CIA's detention and interrogation program was designed by two "contract psychologists," although that aspect was later outsourced. (One wonders, first, how "contract psychologists" differ from "outsourced", and, second, "outsourced" . . . to whom?)

Finally, "The CIA manipulated the media by coordinating the release of classified information, which inaccurately portrayed the effectiveness of the agency's enhanced interrogation techniques."

That last bit seems strangely, discomfitingly, familiar . . .

All in all, you gotta give them credit for maintaining such a seemingly seamlessly effective obfuscation and misinformation edifice, that persists nigh impenetrably even unto the present moment, notwithstanding all the apparently incompetent program management and implementation: Without records how do they know which misrepresentations they have represented to which of the many would-be authorizing or oversight authorities?

20140224

The 4 Ds: disrupted deceptions degrading denial (and the 180 Gs*)

Magick - "the Science and Art of causing Change to occur in conformity with Will."
 - Crowley

Magic - a World War II cryptanalysis program.

Magic Techniques and Experiment Effects - "Using online techniques to make something happen in the real or cyber world."
 - Name of Serious
Crime Effects chief [redacted]
to protect [not you].

GCHQ, a 
presumptive expert on harm
to reputation.

Discredit target:
vandalize social network;
set honey-trap.

Discredit business:
leak confidential info
to competitors.

information ops
and technical disruption
covertly, online.

legend building and
alias management were
not part of training.

biological
and social compassion cues:
how can i game these?

*

the honeypot here
is now Anonymous may
ape and escalate

*

...how is Booz Allen
Hamilton's reputation
holding up these days?

*



whatever else you
do today, don't forget to
Conform and Obey

(*the 180 Gs)

20140120

the revolution and the 1%: pass the barbecue sauce, biff

since "the 1%" has emerged in our cultural discourse as a clumsy signifier of the elite, the exceptionally-privileged, exceptionally-influential rich, it has come to feature regularly across the spectrum of public discourse, from moderate reformist rhetoric to extremist screed, frequently appearing -- among the works of the blog and bile class -- in proximity to notions of government malfeasance and invocations of "revolution."

i have issues with "the 1%", that i am not, now, prepared to attempt to exhaustively examine, but i think it is imprecise and, usually, does not describe whom we're attempting, by its use, to indicate -- particularly so when we use ranting against the systemic inequities represented by grotesque concentration of the control of value as a springboard for calls for overthrow of the government, which strikes me as akin to using complaints about the carpenter as a springboard for calls to overthrow the hammer.

unless the revolution being called for is the international revolution of the proletariat against the masters of capital, in which case, well, they seem to have left out several steps and, i would hope, will try to be more clear about that. (but from apparent tea-partiers and apparent occupyists alike it sounds like basic antigovernment cant).

one percent of american natural persons would be about 3.13 million individuals (less almost one-quarter, to exclude persons younger than 18 years). i suspect that a vanishing few civil servants number among the top percentile of american natural persons who control wealth.

a little bit of research on the question led me quickly to jon bajika, adam cole and bradley heim's april 2012 "summary statistics on the occupations of taxpayers in the top percentile of the national income distribution," which shows that taxpayers in occupations categorized as "government, teachers, social services" have made up from five- to nine-tenths of a percent of "primary taxpayers" in the "top one percent of the distribution of income (excluding capital gains)", and six-tenths to one percent of top one percent taxpayers including capital gains, over the period from 1979 to 2005.

for the same period, 4 to 5.7% of "tax units" in the top one percent of distribution of income (excluding capital gains) had spouses in occupations categorized as "government, teachers, social services."

(this washingtonpost blog from 2011 calculates the household annual income of "the 1%" as starting at $645,195 in 2010. certainly there is a great deal of thoughtful research available to the person with the time to search and winnow for it, and great deal more underway. )

i believe that this all addresses the income of natural persons in the united states.

among american natural persons, the overthrow of the government -- "the revolution" -- would directly affect from one to six percent of the people making up that terrible percentile, an insignificant minority. "but capital", "but contracts", you may be saying, "we would disrupt all of finance!", and, yes, maybe the overthrow of the government would be inconvenient, messy or expensive for the remaining 95% of that percentile, who were not directly affected by the coup or whatever, but they'd still have the armed private security staff, the walled compounds, the stocked larders, the gold, the gasoline and the levers of productive industry notwithstanding some short term questions about the valuation of one particular national currency and certain loan guarantees.

but it would be more expensive for most of the actual 99% "we," who would starve and turn on one another long before we could sink our teeth into the soft, succulent flesh of the 1% (& of whom, anyway, there would not be enough to actually feed we, the 99%. . .

(also, i wonder about that guy from the second percentile sitting down next to that guy from the ninety-eighth percentile at the communal table and sharing, in victorious camaraderie, the rack of one-percenter ribs, or, more likely, a share of thin broth,

(and: will people from the ninety-third percentile even come to that barbecue? people from the eighty-seventh? the seventy-ninth percentile?

(would you, dear reader, wherever in that scale you would calculate you place, risk going near that barbecue . . . unless you were very, desperately hungry, or, were, yourself, already a warlord?

(i can totally see the people of the 98th percentile sending their private armies out to jack that feast).

anyway, bajika, cole and heim's income figures are interesting.

total wealth, net wealth of natural persons, in the united states and worldwide, would also be interesting. finally: wealth and income of legal persons -- to expand candidates to include the actual super- or para-human institutions with the rights of persons along with natural persons -- in the u.s. and worldwide.

i think that we would rapidly see that government is not the foremost problem.

government inaction, as in apparently electing to not zealously enforce certain laws at certain times for certain parties, has, admittedly, contributed, and government action has, admittedly, appeared at times to make things worse, or at best no better, but government itself, is not really appropriately signified by "the 1%".

the question of legal persons is addressed, to some degree, in vitali, glattfelder and battiston's excellent and provocative "the network of global corporate control", noting, in passing, that "governments and natural persons are only featured further down the list" of economic actors controlling wealth, than the core of transnational corporations incestuously linked by networks of ownership and (corporate) control that their paper addresses. (and see glattfelder ted talk, which, alas, does not really convey the terror of the paper's analysis, but is a good primer on the theory and method).

also interesting would be a dossier of bios of persons who have had seats on the boards or in the executive management of the firms of the vitali core (and two-degree "contact chaining," to include members of the boards of all the other associations, charities and businesses on which those core persons have served, and members of all other boards, associations and charities of those persons), including each person's percentile for income and wealth in their native jurisdictions and worldwide.

just to get a sense of the lay of the landscape.

i will say this: it seems far easier (to my imagination) to topple a government than to wrest control of wealth from the elite; and easier (though not much) to imagine wresting control of the wealth from the elite with use of a government than without the use of a government. of course, that would, first, call for wresting control of government from the elite (where it now comfortably, securely rests), which is marginally less implausible, or creating some other effective organization in its place.

i also suspect that the contemptible elite span a broader range of percentiles than just that one. and, of course, we, their legion underlings of whatever capacity, are spread normatively across the scale, a spray of insignificant stars.